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CHANGE REQUIRES THE ULTIMATE ACCOUNTABILITY

LA RIOTS AS DOMESTIC TERRORISM

  

  

AIPAC ESSAY OUTLINE SOME THOUGHTS ABOUT THE VIETNAM WAR
  

  

PRINCIPLES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

 DEFENDING THE ACCUSED IN A HOSTILE ENVIRONMENT

   

LOW INTENSITY CONFLICTS (Information Paper)

WE HAVE A CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS

 

 

COLLECTIVE SECURITY

PATRIOTISM_AND_OTHER_ISSUES

 

 

LEGALITY OF THE VIETNAM WAR

 



CHANGE REQUIRES THE ULTIMATE ACCOUNTABILITY

By
Joe Abodeely


THE WORLD IS INTERESTED IN THIS ELECTION

The candidates for the office of President have presented their spin to the public about how great they are and how incompetent or inexperienced their opponents are.  John McCain arose, like the Phoenix bird from the ashes, to resurrect his once dying campaign, and now he is the Republican standard bearer.  The race between Hillary Clinton, a woman, and Barak Obama, a Black man, was historic, and Obama’s winning his party’s nomination was unprecedented.  His “rock star” presence has energized young voters, educated voters, Black voters, and others seeking a change in American government. But are the voters interested in this election because a woman and a Black man competed for the nation’s highest office—or is the supercharged interest due to the desire by the public to change the policies of the George W. Bush administration which have been divisive, destructive, and catastrophic to the United States of America?

THIS IS MY OPINION

You should also know that I am a registered Republican and have been since 1968; I voted for George W. Bush the first time; I am a fiscal conservative and a social moderate; I own guns and am a member of the NRA; I was a combat infantry unit commander during Tet 1968 in Viet Nam; I retired from the Army Reserve as a JAG officer with the rank of colonel with my last assignment at the Pentagon; and I have been a criminal law attorney since 1971 (15 years as a state prosecuting attorney).  I am not a left-wing, commie-pinko, ultra-liberal, anti-military, un-American nutcase.  I love this country, and that is why I must declare that George W. Bush and his co-conspirators must be held accountable for their crimes in either a U.S. tribunal or an international tribunal or both.  He must be held accountable for his many crimes. 

OBAMA VS. MCCAIN

Voters this fall have a clear choice between Obama and McCain.  I believe that there is going to be a Democratic landslide because the public is fed up with the “imperial Presidency” and its shenanigans.  Many of those white, hard-working, Americans (uneducated, too) may just vote for the Black guy.  Obama says he represents change, and a Black President in the White House clearly is change.  Obama (if he becomes President) may wind up spending money on education, health care, building infrastructure, creating jobs, etc., but where is the money coming from?  From the money saved after he ends the war?  A more important question to me is will he allow the mechanisms to work to bring Bush and his criminal co-conspirators to justice?

McCain says he represents change (from the Bush administration policies), but this last year he voted 95% of the time with George W. Bush.  The year before, it was 90% of the time.  He has been part of the problem.  And he continues to support the occupation in Iraq and the enormous tax breaks for the big corporations and the wealthy.  McCain is not change.  The question is what happens if McCain is elected and he must deal with a clearly Democrat controlled Congress?   McCain gets a lot of slack from the media and Congress who have helped portray this myth about “McCain—the war hero”.  McCain served in the Navy and got shot down on a bombing run over North Viet Nam.  He was a POW for 5 ½ years.  Although one may respect his suffering as a POW, that fact, alone, does not qualify him to be the President of the United States any more than the service of any other guy who served in the military.  The fact that Obama did not serve in the military does not disqualify him from becoming the President of the United States. 

McCain talks about “more boots on the ground”, but in my view that is not the correct analysis.  The correct analysis is “the right boots on the right ground at the right time to execute the right mission”.  If we really wanted Osama bin Laden, we should have gone to the tribal regions in Pakistan and got him.  Instead, Bush lied to us to support attacking Iraq.  Barak Obama is the only candidate to suggest going to Pakistan to get bin Laden.  Obama has the better judgment about fighting “terrorists” than McCain does. 

Whoever is the next President must change our policies in the Middle East relating to Palestinian-Israeli problems and U.S. aggression against the perceived enemies of Israel or any other so-called changes will simply be cosmetic.  The people are tired of the Iraq war and occupation, but Israel supporters now want the U.S. to invade Iran.  Israel has been instrumental in the invasion and occupation of Iraq and has been the catalyst for the various other conflicts in the Middle East.  Bush commits war crimes on behalf of Israel. 

Bush, the most pro-Israel president, has made much noise about Iran.  McCain quipped, “Bomb…bomb…bomb, bomb-bomb Iran”—so we know where he is going.  If Barak Obama gets elected and invades Iran, there will be no change.  In his speech to AIPAC, he said:  "I will do everything in my power to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. Everything in my power. Everything." Implicit in the word "everything" is more of the same— more war crimes, bad economy, high cost of food, gas, etc.  Without a “change” in our policies in the Middle East, America will be engaged in wars against Israel’s (not our) enemies.  Our international image, our national security, and our economy will continue to decline if we do not change.  The Middle East has no motive to be nice to us now, especially in insuring that we have less expensive oil. We need change. 

BUSH ADMINISTRATION CRIMES

The next President will show great courage if he supports a prosecution of Bush and the Bush administration for crimes involving genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and torture. These crimes are intertwined with numerous acts of deception, hubris, and incompetence.  Bush and his administration ignored the warnings of Richard Clark (a real terrorism expert) and other warnings about terrorists’ intent to fly aircraft into buildings before 9-11 occurred. That was at least criminal negligence. 

After 9-11, Bush and his administration and others lied about Saddam Hussein having weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in order to dupe the American public into supporting an invasion of Iraq.  Cheny, Rove, Libby, Rice, Rumsfeld, Powell, Wolfowitz, Pearl, Feith, Bolton, and others were all complicit in this conspiracy to commit genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and torture.  Recently, the Senate Intelligence Committee determined that the Bush administration manipulated intelligence to justify an invasion of Iraq. Bush and his criminal cohorts murdered thousands of Iraqi people and U.S. servicemen and misappropriated public moneys through lies and deception. 

The Bush administration gave sweetheart deals to its buddies like Halliburton and Blackwater and squandered billions of dollars.  Blackwater does security, which the military could do at a fraction of the cost, and has engaged in excessive use of force against the Iraqi people.  Blackwater is not answerable to anyone under the Uniform Code of Military Justice or any other law. These mercenaries are untouchables. The Bush administration sent our troops to war without proper equipment and has failed to adequately care for those injured in battle (e.g., poor health facilities at Army hospitals and troops having to pay for their own expenses while waiting for treatment). 

The Bush administration spied on Americans with the help of major communications companies when they had legal means (FISA) to monitor suspicious telephone conversations.  It disclosed the secret identity of Valerie Plame, a covert CIA agent.  Bush used his legal resources to pervert the law of the land to create an imperial Presidency.  He fired U.S. Attorneys who did not do his political prosecutions. He used “extraordinary rendition” to ship people to foreign countries to be tortured.   He ignored an international treaty, Geneva Conventions, to invade a foreign country in violation of Article 51, United Nations Charter because he could not get the Security Council to authorize his invasion. He authorized torture.  Alberto Gonzales, Yoo, Addington, and others were accomplices to this legal chicanery.  These lawyers should be prosecuted as aiders and abettors.  Bush and his coconspirators must be held accountable for their actions if we are a nation of laws.
 

THE PROSECUTION OF GEORGE W. BUSH

George W. Bush wanted to be a “war President”, and he liked playing “Commander in Chief”, so he must accept the responsibility.  Relating to war crimes prosecutions is the concept of “command responsibility”.  “Command responsibility” is also called the Yamashita standard or the Medina standard. It is the doctrine of hierarchical accountability in cases of war crimes.  The doctrine of “command responsibility” was established by the Hague Conventions IV (1907) and X (1907) and applied for the first time by the German Supreme Court in Leipzig after World War I, in the trial of Emil Muller. 

The "Yamashita standard" is based upon the precedent set by the United States Supreme Court in the case of Japanese General Tomoyuki Yamashita who was prosecuted, in a still controversial trial, for atrocities committed by troops under his command in the Philippines.  Yamashita was charged with "unlawfully disregarding and failing to discharge his duty as a commander to control the acts of members of his command by permitting them to commit war crimes."  That is what Bush and his commanders did. 

The "Medina standard" is based upon the prosecution of U.S. Army Captain Ernest Medina in connection with the My Lai Massacre during the Vietnam War.  Medina was the company commander of Lieutenant William “Rusty” Calley.  The principle is that a commanding officer, being aware of a human rights violation or a war crime, will be held criminally liable when he does not take action. (Medina was, however, acquitted of all charges).  Bush, his administration, and generals could be prosecuted under the doctrine of hierarchical accountability.  Bush had “command responsibility” for the war crimes. 

The prosecution of Bush, et al. could be before the International Criminal Court or courts convened in other countries. The law of war recognizes prosecution by third-party countries under the principle of universal jurisdiction; therefore, a country other than the U.S. or Iraq could prosecute Bush for war crimes.  Under the Geneva Conventions, signatory states have a duty to prosecute or extradite persons alleged to have committed violations of the law of war, regardless of whether the state was involved in the underlying conflict.  The obligations between states under the law of war have become obligations to protect individuals.

The International Criminal Court gives the Court jurisdiction over the crime of genocide; crimes against humanity; war crimes; and the “crime of aggression”, which has yet to be defined.  The massive bombardment (remember Shock and Awe?) of non-military targets and the indiscriminate killing of hundreds or thousands of innocent Iraqi citizens could be cited as war crimes or crimes against humanity or even genocide.  The United States is not a State which is a Party subject to the jurisdiction of the Court, so can the ICC try a U.S. President or military commander for a war crime?  I think they can when the international political climate is just right.

A special court can be convened to prosecute or some other coalition of nations can take action against the United States and Britain for actions in Operation Iraqi Freedom for violations of international law.  Russia and China are not our friends, and we have alienated “old Europe” to such an extent that rogue “political and military leaders”, including those from the U.S., could be brought before other countries’ war crimes courts or the International Criminal Court.  The international political climate may demand accountability by Bush and his accomplices.

Vincent Bugliosi, famed prosecutor of Charles Manson and author of #1 New York Times bestseller Helter Skelter, writes in his new book, The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder, that Bush should be tried for murder in American courts.  He writes that the best venue would be the federal court in the District of Columbia.  He thinks the U.S. Attorney should be the prosecutor. I agree, but I understand politics.  The Attorney General of the United States is appointed by the President.  Now you see why I was talking about Obama and McCain earlier.  Bugliosi believes that state prosecutors can try Bush for murder of the soldiers from each state.  I don’t think most state prosecutors in America have the intellectual acuity or courage to prosecute Bush.  There is too much politics involved.  I can just see some mediocre state’s attorney trying to make a name for himself, starting the case, screwing it up, and setting a bad precedent for others down the road.  I do think Bush must be prosecuted, but very carefully. 

Change demands accountability by Bush for his actions.  If McCain wins, it’s more of the same. If Obama wins, for there to be true change, he and the Democrat Congress are going to have to do more than just redistribute wealth.  They must not let these criminals go free.

UP



AIPAC ESSAY OUTLINE

INTRODUCTION

Why is the US at war in Iraq?

Why does the US align itself so strongly with Israel?

Why hasn’t Congress conducted investigations or even had meaningful discussions about US policy in the Middle East as it relates to Iraq, Palestine, or Israel?

AIPAC

! American Israel Public Affairs Committee

! Pro-Israel lobby

! American lobby, not an Israeli lobby

! Draws on a broad sympathy for the cause of Israel in the Administration, Congress, and the American public

! Operates from tightly guarded office just north of capitol

! Power includes: Influence Presidential candidate’s choice of staff

Block arms sales to Arab countries

Catalyst for close relations between Pentagon and Israeli Army

Consulted by White House and State Department policy makers, Senators, and generals.

! Bane of Middle East specialists who want to strengthen ties with pro-Western Arabs.

AIPAC’S POWER GREW UNDER REAGAN

AIPAC’S and Israel’s lobbying for U.S. and Israeli strategic relationship had Reagan Administration’s sympathy.

In 1981, US and Israel signed a memorandum of understanding for a formal relationship of strategic cooperation.

Israel became a "non-NATO ally" entitled to bid on classified defense contracts.

In 1985, the two countries established a free trade zone.

In 1986, the Administration signed an agreement on Israel’s participation in research on a spaced-based missile defense system. Only Britain, West Germany, and Italy had similar agreements.

In 1981, ironically, the Administration’s respect for the lobby was enhanced when AIPAC lost a tough battle to block the sale of AWACS surveillance aircraft to Saudi Arabia. Although, the U.S. Administration won that political battle, they did not want to go to the mat with AIPAC again. AIPAC’s grass-roots support also grew after the AWACs battle in years that included the friction with United States over Israel’s attack on Iraq’s nuclear reactor in 1981, its invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and its Jewish settlement policies in the West Bank through the 1990s.

In May of 1987, the Reagan Administration notified Congress of its intention to sell 1600 Maverick anti-tank missiles to Saudi Arabia. Within half an hour, lobbyists from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, the only group registered to lobby Congress on legislation affecting Israel, were on the telephone to lawmakers about the proposal. Over the next 13 days, the committee mobilized its nationwide network of supporters with a series of memorandums and telephone calls urging them to lobby Congress. Though it is unclear whether AIPAC can take all the credit, more than 260 members of Congress co-sponsored resolutions to block the sale, prompting President Reagan to withdraw it.

In a concerted effort to expand, AIPAC grew from 9,000 contributing households in 1980 to 55,000 in 1987, from an annual budget of $1.4 million then to $6 million in 1987. For the same time frame, AIPAC said that 90 to 95 percent of its contributors were American Jews, and that nearly all of the remaining 5 to 10 percent were evangelical Christians who were avid supporters of Israel. The donations are not tax deductible.

HOW AIPAC INFLUENCES U.S. MIDDLE EAST POLICY

In November, 1984, more than 600 members of the Middle East Studies Association unanimously passed a resolution condemning the New England chapter of the Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith for circulating what the association called "blacklists" of professors and speakers deemed anti-Israel.

In 1990, when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, President George Herbert Walker Bush got the approval of the United Nations Security Council to use military force against Iraq, but he wanted Congressional approval, too. Diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis failed -- Bush demanded immediate withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait and compliance with all of the U.N. Security Council Resolutions, but Saddam Hussein tried to "link" his withdrawal of forces from Kuwait to a commitment to a Middle East peace conference to settle the festering and long-time Palestinian issue. The U.S. did not negotiate with Saddam, and AIPAC persuaded certain members of Congress to support the war—Operation Desert Storm.

On May 2, 2002, the Senate, in a vote of 94 to 2, and the House, 352 to 21, expressed unqualified support for Israel in its recent military actions against the Palestinians. The resolutions were so strong that the Bush Administration attempted to soften its language so as to have more room in getting peace talks going. But its pleas were rejected, and members of Congress from Joe Lieberman to Tom DeLay competed to heap praise on Ariel Sharon and disdain on Yasir Arafat. Reporting on the vote, the New York Times noted that one of the few dissenters, Senator Ernest Hollings of South Carolina, "suggested that many senators were after campaign contributions."

AIPAC’s financial support to U.S. Congressmen is how it wields its enormous power. AIPAC is widely regarded as the most powerful foreign-policy lobby in Washington. Its 60,000 members shower millions of dollars on hundreds of members of Congress on both sides of the aisle. It also maintains a network of wealthy and influential citizens around the country, whom it can regularly mobilize to support its main goal, which is making sure there is "no daylight" between the policies of Israel and of the United States.

According to members of Congress, AIPAC is one of the most successful lobbies on Capitol Hill for these reasons: It is motivated by single-minded devotion to a cause. Unlike business lobbies, the AIPAC lobbyists are not seeking financial benefits for their members. Though AIPAC does not endorse or give money to candidates, it is perceived as influencing many campaign contributions. Israel’s friends in Congress are often rewarded with such contributions from individual AIPAC members and from pro-Israel political action committees.

AIPAC keeps a meticulous record of lawmakers’ votes on foreign aid, arms sales and other issues affecting Israel. On request, it distributes such information to members with a disclaimer saying, "We do not rate or endorse members of Congress." But individual members of the staff and officers of the organization may give a nod to some candidates. "AIPAC, in effect, gives the Good Housekeeping Seal of Approval on whether a candidate, left or right, is good on the issue of Israel," said Richard B. Strauss, a former lobbyist who edited a newsletter on Middle Eastern affairs.

PRESIDENTS OF MAJOR AMERICAN JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS

The following is what The Forward, a reputable Jewish newspaper, had to say about the influence of other major Jewish organizations on U.S. foreign policy as it relates to Israel:

"AIPAC is not the only pro-Israel organization to escape scrutiny. The Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, though little known to the general public, has tremendous influence in Washington, especially with the executive branch. Based in New York, the conference is supposed to give voice to the fifty-two Jewish organizations that sit on its board, but in reality it tends to reflect the views of its executive vice chairman, Malcolm Hoenlein. Hoenlein has long had close ties to Israel's Likud Party. In the 1990s he helped raise money for settlers' groups on the West Bank, and today he regularly refers to that region as "Judea and Samaria," a biblically inspired catch phrase used by conservatives to justify the presence of Jewish settlers there. A skilled and articulate operative, Hoenlein uses his access to the State Department, Pentagon and National Security Council to push for a strong Israel. He's so effective at it that the Jewish newspaper the Forward, in its annual list of the fifty most important American Jews, has ranked Hoenlein first.

Hoenlein showed his organizing skills in April 2002, when he helped convene the large pro-Israel rally on Capitol Hill. While the event itself was widely covered, Hoenlein, and the conference, remained invisible. An informal survey of recent coverage turned up not a single in-depth piece about Hoenlein and how he has used the Presidents Conference to keep the Bush Administration from putting too much pressure on the Sharon government.

REPORTING ON THESE GROUPS IS NOT EASY

AIPAC's power makes potential sources reluctant to discuss the organization on the record.

Employees who leave it usually sign pledges of silence.

AIPAC officials themselves rarely give interviews, and the organization even resists divulging its board of directors.

Journalists often do not write about the influence of organized Jewry because throughout the Arab world the "Jewish lobby" is seen as the root of all evil in the Middle East, and many reporters and editors--especially Jewish ones--worry about feeding such stereotypes.

Jewish organizations are quick to detect bias in the coverage of the Middle East, and quick to complain about it; thus, the main obstacle to covering these groups is fear.

As the Forward observed in late April, 2002, "rooting out perceived anti-Israel bias in the media has become for many American Jews the most direct and emotional outlet for connecting with the conflict 6,000 miles away." An estimated 1,000 subscribers to the Los Angeles Times suspended home delivery for a day to protest what they considered the paper's pro-Palestinian coverage. The Chicago Tribune, the Minneapolis Star Tribune, the Philadelphia Inquirer and the Miami Herald had all been hit by similar protests, and NPR had received thousands of e-mails complaining about its reports from the Middle East.

Congressmen do not dare to even criticize the Israeli lobby or Jewish supporters for fear of being castigated unmercifully and publicly humiliated. For example, Representative James Moran, Jr., Democrat, Virginia, addressed an anti-war forum in Reston, Virginia on March 3, 2003; and he said:

"If it were not for the strong support of the Jewish community for this war with Iraq, we would not be doing this."

He further said that Jewish leaders "are influential enough that they could change the direction of where this is going, and I think they should. As a result of these comments, which could have been made about Roman Catholics or the Christian Right or the neoconservatives, he was asked to resign by some Jewish leaders; and they refused to accept his apologies.

I asked you "Why is the U.S. at war in Iraq?" The truth of the matter is that Israel and its supporters wanted the U.S. to go to war with Iraq even though there were no weapons of mass destruction and Saddam was not tied to Al Qaeda.

"Prime Minister Ariel Sharon said yesterday (February 19, 2003) that Iran, Libya and Syria should be stripped of weapons of mass destruction after Iraq. ‘These are irresponsible states, which must be disarmed of weapons of mass destruction, and a successful American move in Iraq as a model will make that easier to achieve’, Sharon said to a delegation of American congressmen. Sharon told the congressmen that Israel was not involved in the war with Iraq ‘but the American action is of vital importance.’" (Emphasis added). (See "Sharon Says US Should Also Disarm Iran, Libya and Syria" by Aluf Benn, Haarets Daily, Thursday, February 20, 2003, <haaretzdaily.com>).

AIPAC’S TACTICS HAVE BEEN EXPOSED

In August, 2005, important details of the FBI investigation of the U.S.--Israeli espionage case involving Larry Franklin, the Pentagon spy, two officials of the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee, and an intelligence official at the Embassy of Israel emerged in the indictment. Two AIPAC officials—who have left the organization—were indicted along with Franklin on charges of "communicat[ing] national defense information to persons not entitled to receive it." The full text of the indictment shows that the conspiracy involved not just Franklin and the AIPAC officials, Steve Rosen and Keith Weissman, but at least several other Pentagon officials who played intermediary roles, at least two other Israeli officials, and one official at a "Washington, D.C. think tank".

The "Franklin case"—better called the "AIPAC case," since it was AIPAC that was really under investigation by the FBI—is a spy story. The FBI and the Justice Department might just unravel a larger story, which is beginning to look more and more like it involves the same nexus of Pentagon civilians, White House functionaries, and American Enterprise Institute officials who thumped the drums for war in Iraq in 2001-2003 and who are now trying to whip up an anti-Iranian frenzy as well.

All of this information got short shrift from the mainstream media when it was revealed.

The basic facts of the case are Lawrence Anthony Franklin, a Department of Defense official, was caught red-handed giving highly classified papers to two officials, Steve Rosen and Keith Weissman, of AIPAC—in part, concerning U.S. policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran, Iraq and the war on terrorism. Robert Dreyfuss, a writer for The Forward, raised six interesting questions based on his reading the indictment. Paraphrasing him, he said:

First, the indictment says that from "about April 1999 and continuing until on or about August 27, 2004" Franklin, Rosen and Weissman "did unlawfully, knowingly and willfully conspire" in criminal activity against the United States. What triggered the investigation in 1999, and how much information has FBI surveillance, wiretaps and other investigative efforts collected?

Second, the indictment makes it absolutely clear that the investigation was aimed at AIPAC, not at Franklin. The document charges that Rosen and Weissman met repeatedly with officials from a foreign government (Israel, though not named in the indictment) beginning in 1999, to provide them with classified information. In other words, the FBI was looking into the Israel lobby, not Franklin and the Defense Department, at the start, and Franklin was simply caught up in the net when he made contact with the AIPACers. Rosen and Weissman were observed making illicit contact with several other U.S. officials between 1999 and 2004, although those officials are left unnamed (and unindicted). Are more charges or defendants to come?

Third, Franklin was introduced to Rosen-Weissman when the two AIPACers "called a Department of Defense employee (DOD employee A) at the Pentagon and asked for the name of someone in OSD ISA [Office of the Secretary of Defense, International Security Affairs] with an expertise on Iran" and got Franklin's name. Who was "DOD employee A"? Was it Douglas Feith, the undersecretary for policy? Harold Rhode, the ghost-like neocon official who helped Feith assemble the secretive Office of Special Plans, where Franklin worked?

Fourth, Rosen and Weissman told Franklin that they would try to get him a job at the White House, on the National Security Council staff. Who did they talk to at the White House, if they followed through? What happened?

Fifth, the charging document refers to "Foreign Official 1," also known as FO-1, obviously referring to an Israeli embassy official or an Israeli intelligence officer. It also refers later to FO-2, FO-3, etc., meaning that other Israeli officials were involved as well. How many Israeli officials are implicated in this, and who are they?

Sixth, was AEI itself involved? The indictment says that "on or about March 13, 2003, Rosen disclosed to a senior fellow at a Washington, D.C., think tank the information relating to the classified draft internal policy document" about Iran. The indictment says that the think tank official agreed "to follow up and see what he could do." Which think tank, and who was involved?

This AIPAC story, arguably, is one that has greater implications for national security than the scandal involving the outing of undercover CIA operative Valerie Plame. Unfortunately, the media frenzy attending to the Plame affair is matched by nearly total silence about the Franklin-AIPAC affair. This gives credence to the assertion that reporters are more courageous about pursuing a story that involves the White House than they are about plunging into a scandal that involves Israel, our No. 1 Middle East ally.

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Isn’t it interesting that we can criticize U.S. policies, the tenants of the Muslim religion, the philosophy of the liberal Democrats, the wisdom of Supreme Court decisions, but we cannot and do not even talk about the role AIPAC plays in influencing and perverting our political system for the benefit of Israel? AIPAC has awesome power to, in essence, buy and intimidate the U.S. Congress which supposedly represents the interests of the people of the United States. Congress has abdicated its responsibility to determine if and when the U.S. needs to go to war, how the war is conducted, and whether U.S troops comply with international principles of warfare. There are no Congressional oversight hearings seeking the truth about matters which affect the survival of the American people. As a result, America has become weaker economically and militarily; it has become despised by much of the rest of the world; it has lost its moral superiority regarding human rights; and its national security has been greatly compromised.

All Jews do not support the Likud party and its right wing, heavy-handed politics in Israel. In 2003, four former chiefs of Israel’s powerful domestic security service—Shin Bet—said in an interview that the Israeli government’s actions and policies during the three-year old Palestinian uprising have gravely damaged the country and its people.

The four who headed the agency from 1980 to 2000 under governments that spanned the political spectrum said that Israel must end its occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and that no peace agreement could be reached without the involvement of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, and that the government must stop what one described as the immoral treatment of Palestinians. "Former Security Chief Critical of Israeli Policy" by Molly Moore, Washington Post, as reported in The Arizona Republic, November 15, 2003, p. A-27.

"We must once and for all admit that there is another side, that it has feelings and that it is suffering, and that we are behaving disgracefully," said Avraham Shalom, who headed the (Shin Bet) from 1980 until 1986. "Yes, there is no other word for it: disgracefully…We have turned into a people of petty fighters using the wrong tools." Id.

All Jews are not bad or good, as all Muslims are not bad or good, as all Christians are not bad or good. There must be justice before there is peace.

What we must do?

  1. Continue to educate ourselves and others. Discuss these issues often with family, friends, bloggers, web sites, mainstream media, and radio talk shows.
  2. Reach out to others with similar views—not just similar races, creeds, or colors.
  3. Bring the criminals (all the Bush co-conspirators) to justice—either in U.S. domestic courts or before international criminal courts.
  4. Don’t support a candidate because he or she is a Republican, Democrat, or Libertarian—only if they are independent of AIPAC. AMERICA FIRST!
  5. Do not live in fear of those who call you anti-Semitic for discussing these issues. It’s a fine line. Don’t be anti-Jew, but fight for your country in a sincere, intelligent, dignified way. Promote legitimate discussion. You know you’re right.

Joseph E. Abodeely

American

November 10, 2005

SOURCES

 

1. "Lobbying for Israel--The American Israel Public Affairs Committee" by David K. Shipler, New York Times, July 6, 1987—First of two articles.

2. "Lobbying for Israel—The American Israel Public Affairs Committee" by Robert Pear and Richard L. Berke, New York Times, July 7, 1987—Second of two articles.

3. "Lobbying for Israel—The American Israel Public Affairs Committee" by Robert Pear and Richard L. Berke, New York Times, July 7, 1987—Second of two articles.

4. "Pro-Israel Lobbyists Quietly Backed Resolution Allowing Bush to Commit U.S. Troops to Combat", Wall Street Journal, January 28, 1991, pp. A14-A15.

5. "The Israel Lobby" by Michael Massing, The Forward, June 10, 2002.

6. (See "Lawmaker Criticized for Words" by Eric M Weiss and Spencer S. Hsu, Washington Post, as printed in the Arizona Republic, March 12, 2003, p. A 16).

7. (See "Sharon Says US Should Also Disarm Iran, Libya and Syria" by Aluf Benn, Haarets Daily, Thursday, February 20, 2003, <haaretzdaily.com>).

8. "Bigger Than AIPAC" by Robert Dreyfuss, The Forward, August 9, 2005.

9. "Former Security Chief Critical of Israeli Policy" by Molly Moore, Washington Post, as reported in The Arizona Republic, November 15, 2003, p. A-27.

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PRINCIPLES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

WARFARE IS GOVERNED BY INTERNATIONAL LAW

The law of war is derived from two principle sources—(1) Lawmaking Treaties (or Conventions) such as The Hague and Geneva Conventions and (2) custom, which is a body of unwritten or customary law firmly established by the custom of nations and well defined by recognized authorities on international law. (See FM 27-10, The Law of Land Warfare, Department of the Army, Washington, GPO, p. 4, July 1956).

The following are examples of the body of international law relied upon by the United Nations, commissions, tribunals, and diplomats in addressing international issues and disputes:

The Charter of the United Nations;

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, of 10 December 1948;

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, of 16 December 1966;

The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, of 16 December 1966;

The (Fourth) Geneva Convention relative to the protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949;

The Geneva Conventions relative to the treatment of Prisoners of War, of 12 August 1949;

The Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, of 1 May 1954;

The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land.

The United Nations often relies on those resolutions relevant to the situation of civilians in occupied territories adopted by United Nations organs—the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and the Commission on Human Rights—in making decisions.

Treaties (or Conventions) to which the United States is a party are legally binding.

"This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land…". (U.S. Constitution, Article VI).

The President can make treaties.

"He (President) shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties…". (U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section 2).

The President has a duty to honor the terms of treaties to which the U.S. is a party, and he is obligated to enforce them because they are the supreme law of the land.

"(H)e (President) shall take care that the Laws be faithfully executed…". (U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section 3).

The Geneva Conventions of 1949 for the Protection of War Victims and the Hague Convention No. IV of 1907 Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land were intended to be, and are, legally binding on the United States and its citizens, especially members of the armed forces. (See AR 350-216, The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and Hague Convention No. IV of 1907, Department of the Army, Washington, GPO, 7 March 1975).

The Fourth Geneva Convention requires the parties to:

"Ensure respect for and protection of the civilian population and civilian objects and to distinguish at all times between the civilian population and civilian objects and military objectives. They also call upon the parties to abstain from any measures of brutality and violence against the civilian population to military operations."

The Geneva Conventions have some specific provisions relating to bombardments:

"The attack or bombardment, by whatever means, of towns, villages, dwellings, or buildings which are undefended is prohibited." (See FM 27-10, The Law of Land Warfare, Department of the Army, Washington, GPO, p. 19, July 1956).

The Conventions further prohibit unnecessary killing and devastation:

"... loss of life and damage to property must not be out of proportion to the military advantage to be gained. Once a fort or defended locality has surrendered, only such further damage is permitted as is demanded by the exigencies of war, such as the removal of fortifications, demolition of military buildings, and destruction of stores." (Ibid. p.20).

The Hague Convention of 1907 also specifically deals with the delivery of munitions from aerial platforms:

"There is no prohibition of general application against bombardment from the air of combatant troops, defended places, or other legitimate military objectives." (Emphasis added). (Ibid.)

Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 relating to the protection of victims of international armed conflicts prohibits indiscriminate attacks on the enemy civilian populace.

"Indiscriminate attacks are:

(a) those which are not directed at a specific military objective;

(b) those which employ a method or means of combat which cannot be directed at a specific military objective; or

(c) those which cannot be limited as required by this Protocol;

and consequently, in each case, are of a nature to strike military objectives and civilians or civilian objectives without distinction." (Emphasis added). (See DAP 27-1-1, Protocols to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, Department of the Army, Washington, GPO, p. 36, September 1979).

The Protocol further states what may have the most direct application to consider of the United States’ aerial bombardment of Iraqi civilians in populated cities:

"Among others, the following types of attacks are to be considered as indiscriminate:

(a) an attack by bombardment by any methods or means which treats as a single military objective a number of clearly separated and distinct military objectives located in a city, town, village or other area containing a similar concentration of civilians or civilian objects; and

(b) an attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated." (See DAP 27-1-1, Protocols to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949).

The Law of War and the provisions of these Conventions are applicable to U.S. armed forces’ actions in Afghanistan and Iraq and anywhere else the U.S. engages in military action. These same principles of international law are applicable to the Israeli Defense Forces’ actions against the Palestinians. Suicide bombings by the Palestinian "terrorists" do not justify Israeli mass reprisals or indiscriminate attacks (acts of terrorism) by the use of helicopters, jets, or tanks on innocent civilians in the occupied territories under principles of international law.

BASIC U.N. PRINCIPLES AND PROCEDURES

World War II ended in 1945. In the same year, the governments of the world met to create a Charter for the United Nations. The "purposes and principles" as stated in the Charter were:

"To maintain international peace and security; to develop friendly relations among nations; to promote cooperation among nations for the purpose of solving economic, social, cultural, and humanitarian problems and promote respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms; and to serve as a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in attaining these common ends."

The United States is a member of the United Nations and is bound by the terms of its Charter. The UN Charter gives the Security Council primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. The Security Council, alone, has the power to back up its declarations with actions to ensure compliance with them. No one nation can tell the Security Council what to do, including the United States. Operation Iraqi Freedom was illegal, in part, because it lacked Security Council approval.

Article 41 provides:

"The Security Council may decide what measures not involving the use of armed force are to be employed to give effect to its decisions, and it may call upon the Members of the United Nations to apply such measures. These may include complete or partial interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio, and other means of communication, and the severance of diplomatic relations."

Article 42 provides:

"Should the Security Council consider that the measures provided for in Article 41 would be inadequate or have proved to be inadequate, it may take such action by air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other operations by air, sea, or land forces of Members of the United Nations."

Thus, other than for self-defense, a nation may use armed force against another nation only with the concurrence of the Security Council. Five of the Council’s members are designated permanent members— the US, Russia, Britain, France, and China. The other ten members are elected by the General Assembly for two- year terms. For a resolution to pass, it must receive nine "yes" votes with five of them being unanimous votes from the five permanent members.

THE BASIC RIGHT OF SELF DEFENSE

Article 51, UN Charter says:

"Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of The United Nations, until The Security Council has taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of self-defense shall be immediately reported to The Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of The Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security."

TERRORISM

Terrorism has been defined as the calculated use of violence or the threat of violence to attain political, religious, or ideological goals by instilling fear or using intimidation or coercion. TC 19-16, Countering Terrorism On US Army Installations (April 1993). AR 190-52.

International terrorism involves violent acts or acts dangerous to human life that violate US federal or state law if they would have been committed in the US and appear to be intended to coerce a civilian population or to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion or to affect the conduct of the government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping and occur primarily outside the US or transcend the US boundaries by the means by which they are accomplished, the persons they appear intended to intimidate or coerce, or the locale in which their perpetrators operate or seek asylum. (Emphasis added). 18 USC § 2331 (1)(A)(B)(C).

Domestic terrorism involves acts dangerous to human life that violate US federal or state law and appear to be intended to coerce a civilian population or to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion or to affect the conduct of the government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping and occur primarily within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States. (Emphasis added). 18 USC § 2331 (5)(A)(B)(C).

Terrorism is a crime under US domestic law. A crime requires criminal intent; therefore, what does the terrorism statute mean when it prohibits acts which "appear to be intended" to do certain things? Mens rea (or guilty mind) is a prerequisite for the commission of a crime. Due process requires that the other trappings of a criminal justice system (e.g., right to be informed of charges against the accused, right to counsel, right to bond, right to a speedy trial, right to trial, presumption of innocence, requirement for proof beyond a reasonable doubt before conviction and punishment, etc.) also apply to "terrorists".

The U.S. used the "war on terror" as an excuse to violate many person’s rights, especially if they were Arab or Muslim (e.g., the hundreds of arrests and incarcerations of individuals for minor visa related violations). On October 26, 2001, President Bush signed the USA Patriot Act (USAPA) into law which gave sweeping new powers to both domestic law enforcement and international intelligence agencies and eliminated checks and balances that courts previously had to prevent abuses. The law makes it easier to conduct electronic surveillance on citizens without "probable cause" to believe a crime has been or is being committed. "Terrorism" is defined more broadly to probably include legitimate protest marches which may result in someone being injured. The proposed USAPA II includes the term "enemy combatant" to mean a citizen who may have violated the new broader definition of terrorism under USAPA I. "Enemy combatants" could be held without the normal constitutional rights a criminal defendant would have, and they could be tried before military tribunals.

The U.S. also used the "war on terror" as an excuse to invade two sovereign foreign countries—Afghanistan and Iraq--in violation of international law and to treat captured Afghanis and occupied Iraqis in an inhumane manner. The United States had no more legal authority to invade Iraq than it did to invade Afghanistan under the pretense of fighting "terrorism". (See, generally, "U.S. Bombing of Afghanistan Not Justified As Self-Defense Under International Law" by Leslie M. Rose, Guild Practioner, January 2002). The U.S. occupation of Iraq and the reprisals against Iraqi citizens in the name of "security" also violate international law. It is obvious that the tons of weapons of mass destruction alleged to exist in Iraq immediately before the U.S. led invasion simply did not exist as stated by the U.S. administration. Whether or not WMD are found, the U.S. invaded Iraq for no legitimate reason under international law.

Israel has maintained its "security" in the "war on terror" by using rockets, tank rounds, or bombs to kill innocent Palestinian civilians (men, women, and children)—as much an act of terror as the act of the individual who detonates explosives in a crowded Israeli gathering of innocent people. I believe that "security" should never be used as an excuse to violate the principles of freedom stemming from the U.S. Constitution and the principles of human rights embodied in international law.

UN RESOLUTION 687 IMPOSED SANCTIONS ON IRAQ

The UN imposed sanctions on Iraq, after Desert Storm, through UN resolutions. Resolution 687 (November 29, 1990) established cease-fire terms and set up the UN Special Commission (UNSCOM) to disarm Iraq, and it listed specific conditions for lifting sanctions. Under paragraph 8, Iraq was to destroy, remove, or render harmless, under international supervision, all chemical and biological weapons and all stocks of agents and related subsystems and components and all research, development, support and manufacturing facilities. Iraq was to get rid of its ballistic missiles with a range greater than 150 kilometers.

Under paragraph 11, Iraq was "invited" to reaffirm its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of 1 July 1968. Under paragraph 12, Iraq was to unconditionally agree not to develop nuclear weapons or components or subsystems or to do nuclear research.

Under paragraph 22, if Iraq complied with the provisions of the resolution, then the prohibitions against the import of commodities and products originating in Iraq and the prohibitions against financial transactions related thereto would no longer have force or effect. In other words, if Iraq wanted to do commerce again with the rest of the world, it had to comply with the disarmament provisions. If it did not comply, the trade embargos would remain in effect, financial transactions would remain barred, and government assets would remain frozen. There was no provision in the resolution which authorized the invasion of Iraq if it did not comply. Iraq had never attacked the US, and the UN had allowed the status quo for over a decade

UN RESOLUTION 1284 REQUIRES QUARTERLY REPORTS TO SECURITY COUNCIL

UN Resolution 1284 (1999) established the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) to replace the special commission established pursuant to resolution 687. As Hans Blix stated in his report to the Security Council on March 7, 2003, UNMOVIC was working under resolution 1441 (2002) and several other UN resolutions. He was required to submit a quarterly report under resolution 1284 to the Security Council on "unresolved disarmament issues" and to identify "key remaining disarmament tasks" and the latter were to be submitted for approval by the Security Council in the context of a work program. (See Hans Blix’s Report, March 7, 2003).

The Security Council was to determine the progress of the disarmament, not the United States. When the US invaded Iraq on March 19, 2003, it violated UN resolution 1284, the UN Charter, and the Geneva Conventions. One must also remember that all the rhetoric about the tons of weapons of mass destruction was the primary justification for the U.S. to invade Iraq. The location of the WMD has been a mystery even though the U.S. has spy-satellite cap-ability.

NO-FLY ZONES OVER IRAQ NOT SANCTIONED BY UNITED NATIONS

Some may say that the shooting at US pilots who flew over the "UN no-fly zones" by the Iraqis constituted "attacks" on the US, but US and British warplanes have bombed more that 80 targets in Iraq’s southern "no-fly" zone during the last half of 2002, conducting an escalating air war even as UN weapons inspections proceeded and diplomats looked for ways to avoid war. The interesting point is that the United Nations did not recognize the no-fly zones or the US assertion that it was enforcing UN resolutions. In the fall (2002), Russia’s foreign ministry said escalating attacks by US and British warplanes against Iraqi air defenses have made it more difficult for UN efforts to resume weapons inspections in Iraq. Iraq said it fired at the aircraft because they were violating Iraqi airspace. (See "Airstrikes in Southern Iraq ‘No-Fly’ Zones Mount" by Vernon Loeb, Washington Post, January 15, 2003).

THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT

The obligations between states under the law of war have become obligations to protect individuals. The substitution of "international humanitarian law" for the terms "law of war" and "law of armed conflict" descriptively reflects this movement. Initially, the term "international humanitarian law" referred only to the four 1949 Geneva Conventions, but it is now increasingly being used to signify the entire law of armed conflict. The entire focus of the law of war has broadened from solely protecting states’ interests to increasingly protecting individual’s interests. ("Order Out of Chaos: Domestic Enforcement of the Law of Internal Armed Conflict" by Major Alex G. Peterson, Military Law Review, pp. 13-14, Vol. 171, March 2002).

The law of war recognizes prosecution by third-party countries under the principle of universal jurisdiction. Under the Geneva Conventions, signatory states have a duty to prosecute or extradite persons alleged to have committed violations of the law of war, regardless of whether the state was involved in the underlying conflict.

The international community has devised another way to deal with rogue nations and war crimes. The Rome Statute of The International Criminal Court (July 1999) purports to impose jurisdiction over some accused criminals from non-consenting states, even those states which are not parties to the treaty that created the ICC. The Court has jurisdiction over the crime of genocide; crimes against humanity; war crimes (e.g., willful killing; willfully causing great suffering; extensive destruction and appropriation of property not justified by military necessity; unlawful deportation or transfer; intentionally launching an attack in the knowledge that such attack will cause incidental loss of life or injury to civilians or damage to civilian objects or widespread, long-term and severe damage to the natural environment which would be clearly excessive in relation to the concrete and direct overall military advantage anticipated); and the "crime of aggression", which has yet to be defined.

The allegation that such a crime has been committed may be referred by a State Party (to the ICC), or may be referred by the Security Council, or may be received by the Prosecutor from any other source. If the Prosecutor determines that a reasonable basis to investigate exists, before investigating he must notify any states which would normally exercise jurisdiction over the crime alleged. Upon receiving such a deferral request, the Prosecutor must defer to the state’s investigation unless the Pre-Trial Chamber specifically authorizes the Prosecutor to proceed despite the deferral request. (See generally, "The Globalization of Justice: The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court" by Lieutenant Colonel Bruce D. Landrum, United States Marine Corps, THE ARMY LAWYER, DA Pam 27-50-356, September 2002).

Perhaps this US invasion of Iraq might be cited as an example of a "crime of aggression". Perhaps a massive bombardment of non-military targets and the indiscriminate killing of hundreds or thousands of innocent Iraqi citizens could be cited as war crimes or crimes against humanity or even genocide. Perhaps the U.S. subjecting Iraqi prisoners to "cruel, inhuman, or degrading" conditions at U.S. detention centers might be considered a violation of international law as reported by Amnesty International. ("Rights Group Says U.S. Detentions Of Iraqis May Violate International Law" by Jim Krane, The Associated Press, 30 June 2003).

If the United Nations, the European Union, Russia, and China ever united to enforce these basic principles of international law, U.S. political and military leaders could be tried for war crimes.

CONCLUSION

The aforementioned international legal principles are applicable to all of the signatories of the relevant treaties and other international charters, agreements, protocols, memoranda of understanding, etc. between or among the nation-states involved. As previously noted, the "custom" of international law or the law of war or the law of human rights also has substantial influence among the nations of the world. Hence, if tribal war-lords or even a powerful nation-state were to act outside the norms of the international community by engaging in war crimes or genocide or an act of "aggression" which involved war crimes or genocide, they could be tried by an international tribunal even if they did not agree to be so tried.

On June 12, 2003 the United Nations Security Council approved another one-year exemption for American military from prosecution by the International Criminal Court. The resolution adopted by a 12-0 vote with three abstentions authorized a one-year exemption from arrest or trial for peacekeepers from the United States and other countries that have not ratified the Rome Treaty establishing the ICC. China indicated it was "positively considering" ratifying the Rome Treaty. In the previous year’s battle on this issue, the U.S. threatened to end far-flung peacekeeping operations established or authorized by the United Nations if it did not get an exemption. ("U.S. Given Exemption From War Crimes Prosecution", Associated Press, 12 June 2003).

Belgium had empowered its courts to try foreigners for serious human rights crimes no matter where they were committed. Several countries and most vociferously the United States criticized Belgium law which entertained lawsuits against Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, General Tommy Franks, former President George Bush, Secretary of State Colin Powell and General Norman Schwarzkopf. Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld vowed to freeze spending on NATO’s new headquarters in Brussels unless the law was revoked. ("Belgium Sticks by War Crimes Law Despite U.S. Anger" by Bart Crois and John Chalmers, Reuters, 13 July 2003). Eventually, under pressure, Belgium changed its law to apply only to Belgium citizens or residents. ("Belgium to Scrap War Crimes Law" by Andrew Osborn, The Guardian, 15 July 2003).

The most recent U.S. action to alienate the world community and show distain for the rule of international law occurred on July 1, 2003 when the U.S. suspended all U.S. military assistance to 35 countries because they refused to pledge to give U.S. citizens immunity before the international Criminal Court. The administration warned last year that under a provision of the new anti-terrorism law any country that became a member of the ICC but failed to give an exemption would lose all U.S. military aid, including education, training, and financing of weapons and equipment purchases. ("Bush Suspends U.S. Military Aid to 35 Countries Over the World Court" by Elizabeth Becker, New York Times, July 2, 2003).

The U.S. has been able to intimidate the international community and flaunt international law because of its military and economic might, but I believe it is inevitable that circumstances will change; and the ICC will eventually exert jurisdiction over U.S. criminal defendants. 7/03

Up

INFORMATION PAPER

DAMO-ODL

Apr 1990

SUBJECT: Military Police Authority in Low Intensity Conflicts

1. Purpose: To determine authority and jurisdiction of Military Police to enforce law in low intensity conflicts.

2. Facts:

a. The Army of the future will probably be called upon to operate in low intensity conflicts which affect U.S. security or economic interests or those interests of our allies or others who request our assistance.

b. Justification for intervention in low intensity conflicts will vary with our interests and the situation (e.g., self-defense, defense of an allied nation or a nation who requests our assistance, to honor a treaty or other international agreement, to maintain security in a region, to fight terrorism, to rescue hostages, to help stabilize or rebuild a government, to assist in disaster relief operations, or to neutralize drug trafficking).

c. Military Police, because of their special training and capabilities (e.g., combat, law enforcement, crowd and traffic control, disaster relief, nation-rebuilding, and force protection), have shown their value; and future missions of the Army in low intensity conflicts will require Military Police units especially in the nation-rebuilding phase.

d. Control over the civilian populace and any restrictions will be governed by the laws of the U.S., Treaties or other international agreements, and/or the laws of the host nation depending on the situation.

e. Use of force, apprehension, search and seizure, and confinement and any restrictions will be governed by the laws of the U.S., Treaties or other international agreements, and/or the laws of the host nation depending on the situation.

f. Military police improperly performing law enforcement tasks may be liable for sanctions to be imposed under the laws of the U.S., Treaties or other international agreements, laws of the host nation or laws of another country who has the power to enforce its laws.

COL ABODEELY/54210

ENCLOSURE 1

MILITARY POLICE AUTHORITY TO ENFORCE LAW AND RESTRICTIONS IN LOW INTENSITY CONFLICTS

In order to determine the "authority" of U.S. Military Police units to enforce laws in "low intensity conflicts", it is important to remember that the term "low intensity conflict" has a broad and varied meaning. (See enclosure 2). Historically, the U.S. has been involved in LIC operations such as in Vietnam, Grenada, and Panama. The future could see U.S. forces, including Military Police, involved in low intensity conflicts in Honduras, Nicaragua, E1 Salvador, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Federal Republic of Germany, or one of the other emerging "democracies" in Europe.

Low intensity conflict ranges from subversion to the use of armed force, and it is waged by a combination of means employing political, economic, informational, and military instruments.

Justification to use armed forces, including Military Police, can be found under principles of international law and the United Nations Charter, Article 51, which allows a member nation to engage in individual or collective self-defense against an armed attack. (See enclosure 3).

Assuming that the U.S. uses military forces in a low intensity conflict, it may do so under these conditions: (1) it is in self-defense; (2) it is necessary; and (3) it is proportionate to the threat defended against. [See enclosure 3 and DA Pam 27-100126, Vol. 126, at 96 (Fall 1989)].

Once the legal authority or justification for the use of U.S. armed forces (the military) in the low intensity conflict is established, the next question relates to the authority of Military Police to perform their missions during the LIC. The missions of Military Police are battlefield circulation control, area security, enemy prisoner of war operations, and law and order operations. (See enclosure 4).

The authority to perform these missions will stem from the law of the U.S., including the Uniform Code of Military Justice, treaties or other international agreements, and the laws of the host nation.

If the government of the nation in which the U.S. armed forces are deployed, is unable or unwilling to function, or if that government is to be suppressed by U.S. armed forces--then the U.S. military and the "law of war" will govern the conduct of Military Police operations. The "law of war" has evolved through the centuries, and many principles of conduct in combat and principles relating to the treatment of civilians and enemy prisoners of war (EPWs) have been modified in international treaties such as the Hague and Geneva Conventions and the Protocols to the Geneva Conventions. DA Pam 27-1, Treaties Governing Land Warfare, December 1956; DA Pam 27-1-1, Protocols to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, September 1979.

The law of war applies to U.S. military forces, including Military Police who may become involved in enforcing the law of war.

 

THE LAW OF WAR

The law of war consists of four categories—

  1. Forbidden targets, treaties, and techniques
  2. Enemy captives and detainees
  3. Civilians and private property
  4. Prevention and reporting of unlawful acts and orders. FM 27-1, Your Conduct in Combat Under the Law of War, November 1984.

    BASIC RULES

    1. Don’t attack noncombatants.
    2. Don’t shoot at a parachute unless it holds a combatant.
    3. Don’t shoot at the Red Cross or hide behind medical service symbols.
    4. Don’t cause destruction beyond the requirement of your mission.
    5. Don’t attack protected property.
    6. Don’t use poison or alter your weapon to increase enemy suffering.

The customary law of war and the Geneva Conventions of 1949 also established the laws for treatment of noncombatants, enemy prisoners of war (EPWs) sick and wounded, and other persons captured or detained in combat: All captives or detainees must be treated humanely.

1. Let enemy soldiers surrender.

2. Treat all captives and detainees humanely.

3. Don't use coercion in questioning captives and detainees.

4. Provide medical care for the sick and wounded captives.

5. Safeguard captives from the dangers of combat.

6. Don't take personal property from captives.

Civilians in the conflict have rights. Unnecessary destruction of property and inhumane treatment of civilians are violations of the law of war for which a soldier can be prosecuted. FM 27-2, at 20, November 1984. .

1. Don't violate civilians' rights in war zones.

2. Ensure the safety of civilians. It is lawful to move or resettle civilians if it is urgently required for military reasons, such as clearing a combat zone.

3. Don't burn or steal civilian property. Do not burn civilians' homes or property unless the necessities of war urgently require it. FM 27-2, November 1984.

Military Police have the authority to enforce the law of war. All military commanders and leaders, without regard to rank or position, have a duty to prevent criminal acts, including violations of the law of war, where U.S. troops are involved. FM 272, November 1984.

A violation of the law of war is a crime and is subject to punishment under U.S. law, which includes the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). An order to commit a crime is illegal, and a soldier is obligated to disobey such an order which violates the common-sense rules of decency, social conduct, and morality. Orders to "take care of" captives or detainees (meaning to execute them) are unlawful and should not be obeyed. FM 27-2, November 1984.

Violations of the law of war should be reported through the chain of command; and if the crime involves an immediate superior, it should be reported to his superior. Violations of the law of war may also be reported by anyone to the inspector general, provost marshal, chaplain, or judge advocate. FM 27-2, November 1984. See also R.C.M., Rule 301(a).

INTENSITY OF CONFLICT MAY INFLUENCE APPLICABLE LAW

As a low intensity conflict makes a transition from a combat mode to more of a nation rebuilding or stabilization mode, the authority of Military Police to enforce laws and the jurisdiction of U.S. Military courts could change. In other words, on one-end of the continuum is the combat mode where Military Police authority to enforce laws stems from the chain of command, U.S. law, and the law of war. On the other end of the continuum is the post-combat mode where U.S. troops are occupying a host country; and the host country has jurisdiction over civilians and even U.S. military personnel who are accused of crimes committed not in the performance of official duty. DA Pam 360-544, at 12, October 1975.

Of course, the U.S. military retains the right and jurisdiction to try its service members for purely military offenses (R.C.M. Rule 201), and Military Police have the authority in low intensity conflicts to apprehend (or arrest) suspects (R.C.M. Rule 302).

Military Police may perform law and order functions to include interrogation of suspects, searches, seizures, inspections of and intrusions into bodies for the purpose of acquiring

evidence for trials by courts-martial consistent with U.S. laws, the U.C.M.J. and whatever international agreements may have been implemented to govern U.S. armed forces actions. See generally, R.C.M., Mil. R. Evid., Sections III and IV. In the final analysis, the host nation will primarily be the enforcer of laws applicable to persons (military or civilian) within its territorial boundaries. Status of Forces Agreements, memoranda of understanding, or Treaties would be the other means by which U.S. Military Police would be granted authority to enforce host nation laws over the local civilian populace (e.g., Vietnam and Panama). To ultimately determine Military Police authority, each case must be analyzed individually.

OPERATION JUST CAUSE

Operation JUST CAUSE, U.S. incursion into Panama, revealed how well Military Police could function in this kind of a low intensity conflict. (See enclosure 4). Part of the overall objective in Operation JUST CAUSE was to neutralize General Manual Noriega's national police force. As Noriega's "police" were neutralized by U.S. forces, U.S. Military Police began to perform law and order missions because there were no local police to do the jobs. Ultimately, U.S. Military Police began to train the new Panamanian National Police who took over police tasks; and later the U.S. Military Police returned to the U.S.

The role of U.S. Military Police in Panama is a perfect example of the "intensity" of the conflict in the low intensity conflict influencing the legal authority of Military Police to enforce laws. First, the MPs were combat troops; then they as police helped to stabilize the country (anti-looting, traffic control, EPW missions); then they helped to establish and train a new host country police force; then they withdrew. Civil Affairs personnel also helped to stabilize the situation.

The applicable law in Panama--first, U.S. law, the law of war, and the U.C.M.J.; then the addition of local Panamanian law in conjunction with U.S. law and the law of war; lastly, Panamanian law and international agreement between Panama and the U.S. (Note: information presented regarding the training of the Panamanian police and the employment of civil affairs personnel was per telephone conversations with Colonel Larry Brede, Commander 16th MP Brigade, Lt. Colonel David Patton, Provost Marshal, Fort Bragg, and LTC Mike Peters, Commander, 96th Civil Affairs Battalion, on April 9, 1990).

NEW CHALLENGES

As "peace" breaks out all over the world, or so it seems, there are many political "hot spots" for low intensity conflicts to occur--Central America, Middle East, Europe; and there are many ways in which the LIC can occur--insurgency, terrorism, etc.

Terrorist situations and U.S. response outside the U.S. can present interesting legal situations. For example, if we are retaliating for a terrorist act, the principles relating to "self-defense" and the law of war are applicable. (See enclosure 2). If U.S. Military Police are involved in combating terrorism outside the U.S., the State Department has the primary responsibility for dealing with terrorists involving Americans abroad; but the host governments, in accordance with the status of Forces Agreements or Memoranda of Understanding, have primary responsibility for managing terrorist incidents. AR 525-13, para 5-2, 4 January 1988.

In CONUS installation commanders have the primary responsibility for the maintenance of law and order on military installations, and the FBI has primary law enforcement responsibility for terrorist incidents (AR 525-13, para 5-1, 4 January 1988).

Thus, our response to terrorism can be with a "military" emphasis or a "law enforcement" emphasis, depending on the situation; and as the game changes, so do the "rules" or laws.

The "drug war" has presented some interesting legal considerations for use of armed forces, including Military Police, abroad. One could just see the trend for the Military to act as an international policeman develop by reading the newspapers' headlines: "Pentagon given drug-war role", The Phoenix Gazette, September 18, 1989; "Military law enforcement outside U.S. is backed", The Arizona Republic, December .l7, 1989; "South Americans, U.S. ready to OK using military-in-drug war", The Arizona Republic, January 15, 1990; "Military Role still potent in Bush plan", The Arizona Republic (compiled from reports by Newsday, The Boston Globe and The Associated Press, January 28, 1990; "Planes, ships here will join fight on drugs", San Diego Tribune, March 9, 1990; "Pentagon plans to intensify war on drugs with balloons, ships", The Arizona Republic, March 10, 1990.

But along with this new mission for the military came some new legal issues. For example, U.S, law prohibited the use of funds to: "... provide training or advice, or provide any financial support, for police, prisons, or other law enforcement forces for any foreign government or any program of internal intelligence or surveillance on behalf of any foreign government within the Unites States or abroad ..." Sec. 660, Foreign Assistance Act, 22 U.S.C. 2420 (1961).

In order to support the military's role to help fight the "drug war", Congress passed the International Narcotics Control Act of 1989, 22 USC 2151 et seq.

The legislation's purpose is to assist Bolivia, Columbia, and Peru in controlling illicit narcotics production and trafficking. 22 USC 2291.

Law enforcement training to units or agencies to combat narcotics is authorized notwithstanding section 660 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.

Thus, where there were restrictions before, there are now new missions for the U.S. military, including Military Police.

Even in the area of search and seizure there has been a new development which affects the authority of Military Police to search and seize property of a nonresident alien and located in a foreign country. The U.S. Supreme Court held that the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution does not apply. United States v. Rene Martin Verdugo-Uricruidez, 46 CrL 2136 (decided February 28, 1990).

The Court said inter alia:

"...The United States frequently employs armed forces outside this country--over 200 times in our history--for the protection of American citizens or national security... Application of the Fourth Amendment to these circumstance could. significantly disrupt the ability of the political branches to respond to foreign situations involving our national interest..." 46 CrL at 2140.

The court also said: .

"...American interests may arise half way around the globe, situations which in the view of the-political branches of our government require an American response with armed -force. If there are to be restrictions on search and seizure which occur incident to such American action, they must be imposed by political branches through diplomatic understanding, treaty, or legislation..." 46 CrL at 2141.

Combined exercises of special operations forces who train extensively for their wartime missions with host country armed forces overseas highlight the problems regarding jurisdictional status over U.S. forces in a host country. Jurisdictional means the power of a court to try a case; and a peacetime arrangement may exist between the U.S. and host country that established this jurisdictional status. If no such agreement exists, then the judge advocate must secure one. After determining the negotiating authority for the Unified Command, the judge advocate must request though command channels that this authority conclude an agreement setting forth the jurisdictional status of U.S. forces with the host county. DA Pam 27-50-200, at 9 (August 1989).

A type of diplomatic immunity should be sought, but if the host country does not consent to complete civil and criminal immunity, the judge advocate or negotiating official should attempt to obtain a foreign criminal jurisdiction arrangement similar to that contained in the NATO SOFA. See generally Agreement Between the Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty Regarding the Status of Forces, June 19, 1951 , Art. VII, U.S.T. 1792; T.I.A.S. 2846; 199 U.N.T.S. 67.

Once the laws and rules are established as to which courts have jurisdiction and over whom, the U.S. Military Police can enforce the laws whether in a training exercise or a low intensity conflict.

Another area of controversy which could involve Military Police questions in a low intensity conflict relates to assassination. Executive Order 12,333 states that "[n)o person employed by or acting on behalf of the United States Government shall engage in, or conspire to engage in assassination." See Exec. Order No. 12,333, 2.11, 3.C.F.R. 200, 213 (1982), reprinted in 50 U.S.C. app 3401 at 44, 50 (1982). Department of Army guidance does not prohibit an attack on individual soldiers or of the enemy wherever they may be located. DA Pam 27-50-200, at 8 (August.1989).

There have been reports in the media that the present U.S. administration wants to ease restrictions on assassinations.

"Washington--the Bush administration said Tuesday it is seeking an understanding with congress to ease restrictions on American involvement in foreign coups that might result in the death of a country leader.

White House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater said the proposed changes would not alter a longstanding executive order banning U.S. involvement in assassinations but-would allow the CIA to have contact with plotters of a coup in which a foreign leader might be killed...

The issue took on new urgency in the wake of a failed coup attempt against Panamanian ruler Manuel Antonio Noriega on Oct 3.

Administration officials complained that CIA officers were essentially prevented from advising the plotters because of the possibility that Noriega might be killed..." "Bush wants to ease restrictions on U.S. role in foreign coups." The Arizona Republic, October 18, 1989.

Unless there is a change in the law, Military Police operations are to be governed by Executive Order 12,333 prohibiting assassinations.

CONCLUSION

The Army will probably be involved in low intensity conflicts in the future. The justification for involvement in low intensity conflicts will vary, but usually it will relate to "self-defense" in the broadest meaning of the term.

Military Police have special training and special missions which make them ideal units to engage in the low intensity conflicts. Their authority to enforce laws over U.S. and foreign personnel, military and civilian, will depend on many variables: U.S. laws including the UCMJ, Treaties, SOFAs, other international agreements, laws of the host nation, the law of war, and the intensity of the low intensity conflict.

Restrictions on Military Police operations and ability to perform their law and order mission will stem from the aforementioned laws and combat conditions of the low intensity conflict.

Since the U.S. holds itself out to have respect for the law, it should comply with international principles of law to maintain its image of respect for law and order among the international community.

ENCLOSURE 2

LOW INTENSITY CONFLICT

The Army of the future will probably be called upon to operate in low intensity conflicts which affect U.S. security or economic interests or those interests of our allies or others who request our assistance.

In the "final draft" dated January 1990 of the Doctrine for Joint Operations in Low Intensity Conflict, "low intensity conflict" is defined as:

"Political-military confrontation between contending states or groups below conventional war and above the routine, peaceful competition among states. It frequently involves protracted struggles of competing principles and ideologies. Low intensity conflict ranges from subversion to the use of armed force. It is waged by a combination of means employing political, economic, informational, and military instruments. Low intensity conflicts are often centralized, generally in the Third World, but contain regional and global security implications. Also called LIC." JCS Pub 3-07.

It is clear that the definition of "low intensity conflict" is quite broad and covers military actions of the U.S. such as Vietnam, Grenada, and Panama. It also probably covers the various wartime missions of U.S. special operations forces which include: foreign internal defense, unconventional warfare, strategic and tactical reconnaissance, strike operations; strategic and tactical psychological operations; civil affairs support of general-purpose forces; civil administration, and special light infantry. DA Pam 27-50-200, at 5, August 1989.

Because "civil affairs" and "civil administration" and implicitly "government" or "nation-rebuilding" are part of the mission, specially trained military-police should be plugged into the equation. In fact, the peacetime missions of special operations forces include: assisting foreign governments or other elements of the U.S. government; training, advising, and supporting foreign military and paramilitary forces through security assistance programs; supporting foreign internal defense operations; terrorism counteraction; conducting show of force operations; and conducting humanitarian operations. DA Pam 2750-200, at 5, August 1989. U.S. Military Police are tailor-made for the aforementioned missions.

The U.S. Army is well aware of the need to be prepared to act in low intensity conflict situations.

"International drug trafficking, terrorism, insurgency, and subversion of legitimate democratic regions will continue to pose serious threats to U.S. interests. These low intensity conflicts can undermine important allies and other friendly nations, impede the development of democratic institutions, and hamper essential U.S. economic and military ties. The dangers of low intensity conflict and particularly of terrorism, are magnified by the increasing worldwide availability of sophisticated explosives and weapons. Precision-guided munitions are becoming available through illegal arms markets and from states supporting international terrorist organizations. Terrorist use of the ultimate weapons of mass destruction--chemical, biological, and nuclear arms--is not inconceivable. Clearly, low intensity conflict is the security challenge most likely to demand a short-notice U.S. military response in the future." The United States Army Posture Statement FY 91 at I-6 to I-7.

"Low intensity conflict" describes an "environment" rather than a military capability or mission. The environment has four categories: insurgency/counterinsurgency, combating terrorism, peacekeeping, peacetime contingencies. JCS Pub 3-07. para 1-1.

The law relating to Military Police operations will depend on the environment, the intensity of the environment, and the legal/political relationship the U.S. has with the host country.

ENCLOSURE 3

JUSTIFICATION FOR INTERVENTION IN LOW INTENSITY CONFLICTS

Justification for the U.S. to send troops into a low intensity conflict will vary with U.S. interests and the situation. For example, if American lives and property are

threatened in another country, the U.S. is justified in sending in troops (using force) under the principles of an inherent right of self-defense.

The use of force is also governed in international law by the U.N. Charter, which in article 2(4) obligates all members "to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use

of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state." Use of force is allowed in certain circumstances. Article 51, United Nations Charter says that "[n]othing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security."

The definition of "armed attack" has been the subject of much debate by governments and scholars, but State-sponsored terrorism and other methods by which states can act through surrogates enables States to bring about attacks on their enemies while at the same time attempting to evade responsibility and legitimate retaliation. Terrorists do not always attack their victims in the victims' homeland thereby triggering the literal "armed attack... against a member of the United Nations" language.

In 1986, the International Court of Justice decided that Nicaragua had ,not engaged in "aggression" although the court either found or assumed that Nicaragua had supplied arms to the rebels in E1 Salvador for several years. The court found that a limited intervention of this sort cannot justify resort to self defense because customary law only allows the use of force in self-defense against an "armed attack", and an armed attack does not include "assistance to rebels in the form of the provision of weapons or logistical or other support." Military and paramilitary activities in and against Nicaragua, 1986 I.C.J. 14 (Judgement on the Merits of June 27, 1986) [hereinafter Nicaragua v. United States].

The I.C.J. left an opening for a state to respond to aggression short of an "armed attack". A state is not permitted to resort to "self-defense" against aggression short of armed attack, but it may be able to take what the court called "proportionate countermeasures". Nicaragua v. United States, 1986 I.C.J. at 127.

One scholar in international law advocates that a sound construction of article 51 of the U.N. Charter would allow any State, once a terrorist "attack occurs" or is about to occur, to use force against those responsible for the attack in order to prevent the attack or to deter further attacks unless reasonable ground exists to believe that no further attack will be undertaken." DA Pam 27-100-126, Vol. 126, at 95 (Fall 1989). The notion that self defense relates only to a use of force that materially threatens a state's "territorial integrity or political independence", as proscribed in article 2(4), ignores the Charter's preservation of the "inherent" aspect and scope of that right. Nations, including the U.S., have traditionally defended their military personnel, citizens, commerce, and property from attacks even though no threat existed to their territory or independence

When an American is attacked simply because he is an American in order to punish the U.S. or to coerce the U.S. into accepting a political position, the attack may be one in which the U.S. has sufficient interest to justify extending its protection through necessary and proportionate actions. No nation should be limited to using force to protect its citizens from attacks based on their citizenship to only situations in which they are within its national boundaries. DA Pam 27-100-126, Vol. 126, at 96 (Fall 1989).

The aforementioned international legal issues relate to the justification for U.S. intervention into a low intensity conflict situation. Depending on the circumstances, the U.S. would be justified in engaging in a LIC situation for its own "self-defense"; for the defense of an allied nation; for the defense of a nation who requested our assistance (e.g., Grenada); to honor a treaty (e.g., Vietnam), or other international agreement; to rescue hostages (e.g.,.Iran); to help stabilize or rebuild a government (e.g., Panama); to assist in disaster relief operations (e.g., Virgin Islands); or to neutralize drug trafficking (e.g., Latin America).

ENCLOSURE 4

MILITARY POLICE CAPABILITIES IDEAL FOR LIC

Military Police provide a wide range of support to contribute to the Army's battlefield success: they combat enemy forces in a rear area; they expedite the forward movement of critical combat resources; they evacuate enemy prisoners of war (EPWs); they provide security to critical army facilities and resources; and they provide commanders and soldiers with police services as needed. FM 19-3, at 1-1 (December 1983). .

On the battlefield, Military Police operate as a flexible, economy-of-force organization; and they perform a wide range of support keyed to the commander's priorities. Organized in small tactical elements, they are equipped and trained to operate separately or in combination. MP three-man gun-jeep teams with their mobility, radio, communications, and M60 machine-gun fire power, are versatile units. They can respond quickly to emergencies. These same small teams, using their initiative and their ability to assemble quickly into larger units, can generate significant combat power for the tactical commander. FM 19-3, at 1-1 (December 1983).

With minor modifications of organization and equipment (e.g., the addition of wheeled armored vehicles and some anti-armor weapons) .Military Police can be the perfect type of combat unit for many low intensity conflicts.

With minor MP doctrine modification (which is presently primarily geared to the "Airland Battle" syndrome, the doctrine can easily be reoriented to LIC doctrine to have the Military Police units fight as infantry as they did frequently in Vietnam. The Military Police can perform their combat mission, but they also have their other capabilities (e.g., law enforcement, force protection, crowd and traffic control, etc.) for which they have been specifically trained:

Military Police missions--battlefield circulation control (helping to move military traffic along main supply routes expeditiously); area security (protecting designated facilities, units, convoys, MSR critical points, and personnel from enemy activity); enemy prisoner of war operations (controlling the flow of EPWs from their capture to their internment in POW camps; and law and order operations (providing police services such as investigating crimes, performing law enforcement operations, and confining U.S. military prisoners)--are tailor-made missions for the Army of the future involved in low intensity conflicts and nation rebuilding [See generally, FM 19-4, at 1-4, (May 1984)].

The Military Police law enforcement mission can be very important in the nation rebuilding phase of LIC. They can investigate criminal activity of military personnel; and depending on the circumstances and the legal relationship between U.S. Forces and the host country; MPs can deal with the local civilian populace. Military Police are especially trained to investigate crimes, to interview suspects, to apprehend (arrest), search and seize items of evidence for prosecution. (See generally FM 19-20, Law Enforcement Investigations, November 1985). They are trained to detect "black marketing" and to investigate war crimes. Military police have this special training valuable to LIC operations (e.g., Panama) which other branches of the Army simply do not have.

The U.S. armed forces in Panama temporarily performed "police" functions or aided host country police. "Vice President Ricardo Arias Calderon, who is also the justice minister, said 333 people were arrested during the sweep, which was launched at dawn. Arias said suspected drug dealers, illegal aliens and fugitives were taken to Federal Judicial Police headquarters, which was surrounded by U.S. armored cars. William Ormsbee, a spokesman for the U.S. Southern Command, said about 260 American soldiers were deployed in support of the Panamanian police. About 400 Panamanian law enforcement officers took part in the operations....The new administration of President Guillermo Endara has been shying away from establishing a military organization but has been slowly building a police force..." San Diego Tribune, March 9, 1990, at A-1. Military Police are the best ones to perform the missions described in the previous newspaper article.

Military Police deployed to Panama also performed in an outstanding manner in their "combat" role,. In a letter dated February 12, 1990, from the Provost Marshal of the 82nd Airborne Division to the Commander of the U.S. Army Military-Police Operations Agency, the PM commented on how well the Military Police performed their combat duties:

"... PANAMA VIEJO was a hot LZ and the military police fought to the objective alongside their infantry comrades. Once the fighting subsided and mass surrenders began, the MPs took charge of enemy prisoners of war and established security of captured arms and ammunition. As local security was established, the MPs assisted in manning roadblocks and checkpoints set up around each objective."

He further commented:

"While First Platoon was supporting brigade operations, the Second and Fourth Platoons began general support operations at the TORRIJOS-TOCUMEN Airfield complex. Fourth Platoon (the normal GS platoon) established the Division Central EPW Collecting Point and provided security for almost 400 displaced civilians who were caught in the international terminal during the airborne assault. Second Platoon assisted Fourth Platoon, while also providing direct support to the lst Battalion, 75th Ranger Regiment in the defense of the airport. Additionally, they participated in raids on suspected arms caches, counter-looting operations in nearby villages, and established a major checkpoint on the main supply route outside the airfield."

Commenting about a Military Police squad attached to one of 7th Infantry Division's battalions, the PM said:

"This squad participated in air assaults into two objectives-a Panama Defense Force training center and the E1 Renacer Prison. Additionally, they helped secure the Madden Dam, which controls the water level in all the locks on the Panama Canal. They also performed roadblocks and checkpoints, EPW processing, and various security missions. However, one mission at E1 Renacer Prisoner was unique. Because of their heavy firepower, a MP team was integrated into the assault element and used to clear rooms in the prison complex. This mission differed from the standard usage of MP's (sic) in the support element providing exterior security and preparing to assume control of any EPW."

The Provost Marshal also said that when the Military Police were supporting the clearing and stability operations in the city, they (MPs) helped clear the city, performed circulation control as civilian traffic begin to return to city streets, and served as law and order elements in the Division area of operations. The infantry brigades were ultimately relieved by combined 16 MP Brigade/Panamanian Police Force patrols, and the Division redeployed back to the U.S.

Operation JUST CAUSE is a recent and excellent example of how Military Police can perform in a low intensity conflict.

The Virgin Islands situation provided another relatively recent example of Military Police stabilizing a government. Although this action was on U.S. soil, U.S. troops could be deployed to a foreign country to help stabilize that gover